By Dr. Tim Orr
In the tumultuous landscape of the Middle East, propaganda has long been a powerful tool used to shape public perception and political narratives. Among the most prominent targets of such efforts has been the State of Israel. Since its establishment in 1948, Israel has faced a barrage of propaganda from various countries in the region, each using media, education, and cultural outputs to vilify the state and galvanize opposition (Smith, 2017). This anti-Israel sentiment is not monolithic; it varies widely in its intensity, style, and underlying motivations. Understanding the dynamics of this propaganda is crucial for grasping the broader geopolitical tensions in the region (Jones, 2019). This article explores the creation and dissemination of anti-Israel propaganda by several key Middle Eastern countries, ranking them by the intensity and impact of their campaigns.
Arab Nationalism and Islamic Antisemitism
Arab nationalism has played a significant role in shaping the discourse around Israel and Jewish people in the Middle East. Emerging in the early 20th century as a response to Ottoman and later European colonialism, Arab nationalism often positioned itself against perceived foreign threats, including Zionism. This opposition was not only political but also cultural, as many nationalist leaders saw the establishment of Israel as a Western intrusion into the Arab world. Over time, this opposition to Israel became intertwined with antisemitic rhetoric, conflating anti-Zionism with hostility towards Jews as a whole.
Islamic antisemitism, deeply rooted in the interpretations of Islamic texts and reinforced by various historical conflicts, has also significantly undergirded antisemitism in the region. For example, certain Quranic verses and Hadiths have been interpreted in ways that perpetuate negative stereotypes about Jews. Islamic antisemitism often presents Jews as the eternal enemies of Islam, a narrative that various groups have used to justify opposition to Israel and incite hostility towards Jewish people more broadly.
In countries like Iran and Syria and among groups like Hezbollah and Hamas, the combination of Arab nationalism and Islamic antisemitism has fueled a virulent form of propaganda that targets Israel and Jewish people globally. These narratives are propagated through state media, educational materials, and religious sermons, reinforcing the perception of Jews as outsiders and enemies. By intertwining political and religious motives, these ideologies create a potent mix that has sustained antisemitic attitudes and actions across the Middle East.
1. Iran
Iran stands as one of the most aggressive purveyors of anti-Israel propaganda in the Middle East. Since the Islamic Revolution in 1979, the Iranian regime has employed state media, educational systems, and international platforms to propagate a narrative that frames Israel as an illegitimate state and an enemy of Islam (Keddie, 2006). Iranian leaders frequently refer to Israel as the "Zionist regime," and the country’s state-run media regularly broadcast speeches and programs that denounce Israel and call for its destruction (Chubin, 2018). Iran’s support for militant groups like Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Gaza further amplifies its anti-Israel rhetoric, presenting these groups as heroes in the fight against Zionist oppression (Norton, 2007). Iranian television often airs programs celebrating attacks against Israel by these groups, framing them as acts of resistance against an unjust occupier. This strategy is designed not only to consolidate domestic support but also to position Iran as a leader in the broader Islamic world’s struggle against Israel. The intensity of Iran’s propaganda efforts reflects its ideological commitment to opposing Israel, which is a central pillar of the Islamic Republic’s foreign policy (Takeyh, 2009).
2. Syria
Syria has been a consistent source of anti-Israel propaganda, using state-controlled media and educational materials to portray Israel as a colonial aggressor and a perennial threat to Arab and Islamic unity (Seale, 1988). Under the Assad regime, Syrian propaganda has emphasized the theme of resistance, particularly focusing on the Golan Heights, which Israel captured in the 1967 Six-Day War (Hinnebusch, 2001). Syrian media have often depicted Israel as an oppressive occupier, using graphic images and emotive language to evoke sympathy for the Palestinian cause and hostility toward Israel. During the 1973 Yom Kippur War, for example, Syrian state television broadcast dramatic footage of Israeli bombings and Syrian soldiers fighting bravely, presenting a narrative of heroism against a ruthless enemy (Shlaim, 2000). This narrative is deeply ingrained in Syrian society and is reinforced through the country’s support for groups like Hezbollah, further entrenching the perception of Israel as an enemy of the Arab world.
3. Lebanon
Lebanon’s anti-Israel propaganda is heavily influenced by Hezbollah, a Shiite militant group that operates as both a political party and a military force within the country (Saab, 2008). Hezbollah’s media outlet, Al-Manar TV, is a prominent source of anti-Israel content, regularly broadcasting programs that depict Israel as an aggressor and glorify resistance against the Israeli state. Hezbollah’s propaganda emphasizes themes of liberation and martyrdom, aiming to inspire both Lebanese and broader Arab audiences to support its cause (Ranstorp, 2016). During the 2006 Lebanon War, Hezbollah used Al-Manar TV to broadcast images and videos that celebrated supposed victories against Israeli forces. These broadcasts were designed to maintain morale among Lebanese viewers and portray Israel as a failing aggressor. Hezbollah’s messaging often includes antisemitic content and positions its struggle against Israel within a broader narrative of resistance against Western imperialism. This propaganda strategy has been effective in mobilizing support within Lebanon and across the broader Arab world, solidifying Hezbollah’s role as a significant non-state actor in the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict (Harb, 2011).
4. Palestinian Territories
Within the Palestinian territories, both the Palestinian Authority (PA) in the West Bank and Hamas in Gaza have utilized media and education to foster anti-Israel sentiment (Milton-Edwards, 2013). Palestinian media often highlight stories of suffering and resistance, framing the Israeli occupation as an existential threat to Palestinian identity and aspirations (Khalidi, 1997). This narrative is reinforced through various channels, including television programs, school curricula, and public statements. In Gaza, Hamas has taken a more militant approach, producing content that encourages armed resistance and martyrdom as noble pursuits (Levitt, 2006). A notable example is the Hamas TV show "Tomorrow's Pioneers," which featured a character resembling Mickey Mouse named Farfur, who encouraged children to fight against Israel and promoted martyrdom (MEMRI, 2007). The show was heavily criticized internationally but was part of Hamas’ broader strategy to instill a narrative of resistance and hatred against Israel from a young age. The pervasive nature of this propaganda reflects the deep-seated animosity toward Israel within Palestinian society and its leadership’s commitment to opposing the Israeli state.
5. Iraq
Under Saddam Hussein, Iraq was known for its fierce anti-Israel propaganda, which was closely tied to its broader pan-Arab and anti-Western rhetoric (Tripp, 2007). Saddam’s speeches often portrayed Israel as a major threat to the Arab world and positioned Iraq as a leader in the resistance against Zionism (Karsh, 2002). Iraqi media during Saddam’s era frequently broadcast messages that glorified military resistance against Israel and called for the destruction of the Israeli state. This propaganda was not only aimed at uniting Iraqis but also at rallying support from other Arab nations. A vivid example of Iraq’s propaganda strategy occurred during the Gulf War in 1991. Despite Israel not being directly involved in the conflict, Saddam launched Scud missiles at Israel in an attempt to provoke an Israeli response that might fracture the international coalition against him (Freedman, 1991). Iraqi state media celebrated these missile attacks as acts of defiance against a common enemy, framing them as part of a broader struggle against Western domination. This narrative was designed to galvanize Arab support and reinforce Saddam’s image as a strong leader standing up to Israel and its allies, even in the face of overwhelming odds.
6. Saudi Arabia
Saudi Arabia’s use of anti-Israel propaganda has traditionally been tied to its role as a leader of the Muslim world (Al-Rasheed, 2002). For many years, Saudi educational materials and religious sermons included anti-Israel content, portraying Israel as a usurper of Palestinian lands and a threat to Islamic values (Prokop, 2003). Saudi Arabia has supported various publications and broadcasts that framed Israel as a colonial outpost of Western imperialism and called for its destruction. This approach was part of a broader effort to position Saudi Arabia as a defender of Islam against perceived threats, both foreign and domestic. In the 1970s and 1980s, Saudi Arabia funded various publications and broadcasts throughout the Arab world that spread anti-Israel narratives (Riedel, 2008). These materials often framed the conflict with Israel in religious terms, describing it as a broader jihad against non-believers and enemies of Islam. By using religious language to justify opposition to Israel, Saudi propaganda sought to align the kingdom’s political objectives with its religious identity, reinforcing its position as a guardian of Islamic values. However, recent years have seen a shift in Saudi rhetoric, with a gradual softening of anti-Israel propaganda in line with evolving geopolitical interests, including countering Iranian influence and exploring potential normalization with Israel (Lynch, 2020). Despite this shift, anti-Israel sentiment remains prevalent in some sectors of Saudi society, reflecting the complex interplay of religion, politics, and regional dynamics.
7. Egypt
Egypt’s relationship with Israel has undergone significant changes over the decades, with anti-Israel propaganda reflecting these shifts (Quandt, 1986). During the early years of the conflict, Egyptian state media were heavily involved in spreading anti-Israel messages, portraying the Israeli state as a colonial aggressor supported by Western powers. Egyptian media, including newspapers, radio, and television, were central in promoting this narrative, particularly during the 1956 Suez Crisis and the 1967 Six-Day War (Shlaim, 2000). A notable example of Egypt’s approach to anti-Israel propaganda is the film "The Sparrow" (1972), directed by Youssef Chahine. While the film critiqued internal corruption and mismanagement, it also reinforced the narrative of Israel as an oppressive force (Armbrust, 1996). This dual approach—acknowledging internal shortcomings while uniting against an external enemy—bolsters national identity and solidarity in a crisis. However, Egypt's propaganda strategy shifted following the 1973 Yom Kippur War and the subsequent peace process initiated by President Anwar Sadat. The signing of the Camp David Accords in 1978 marked a turning point, with Egypt becoming the first Arab country to recognize Israel officially. This shift led to a decrease in state-sponsored anti-Israel propaganda, though anti-Israel sentiment still exists at the grassroots level (Telhami, 1990).
8. Jordan
Jordan’s approach to anti-Israel propaganda has been shaped by its unique geopolitical situation and direct involvement in the Arab-Israeli conflict (Robins, 2004). During the 1960s and 1970s, Jordanian textbooks and state media included content that portrayed Israelis negatively and emphasized the Palestinian struggle. This educational strategy was designed to foster a sense of national identity and solidarity with Palestinians, positioning Jordan as a key player in the Arab world’s opposition to Israel (Massad, 2001). A pivotal moment in Jordan’s propaganda efforts came after the Battle of Karameh in 1968, where Jordanian forces and Palestinian guerrillas clashed with Israeli troops. Although the battle was not a decisive military victory, Jordanian media celebrated it as a heroic stand against Israel, boosting national morale and reinforcing King Hussein’s narrative of resistance (Shlaim, 2007). This portrayal helped to solidify Jordan’s image as a defender of Palestinian rights and a crucial ally in the Arab struggle against Israel. However, following the Black September conflict in 1970, when King Hussein’s forces expelled the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) from Jordan, the country's propaganda efforts became more subdued, reflecting a cautious stance toward the Palestinian issue. Jordan’s 1994 peace treaty with Israel marked another significant shift, leading to a reduction in official anti-Israel rhetoric, although anti-Israel sentiment remains among various segments of the Jordanian population (Andoni, 2001).
9. Libya
Under Muammar Gaddafi, Libya was a source of intense anti-Israel propaganda, with state media frequently broadcasting anti-Israel content and Gaddafi’s speeches often featuring strong anti-Israel rhetoric (Vandewalle, 2012). Gaddafi’s government portrayed Israel as a colonial outpost of Western imperialism and called for its destruction, positioning Libya as a defender of Palestinian rights and a champion of pan-Arab unity. In 1982, during the Israeli invasion of Lebanon, Gaddafi's government organized mass demonstrations across Libya, framing them as protests against Israeli aggression (St. John, 2008). Libyan state media covered these demonstrations extensively, portraying them as a unified Arab response to Israeli actions. This propaganda served to reinforce Gaddafi’s image as a staunch opponent of Israel and a defender of the Palestinian cause, aligning Libya with the broader Arab narrative against Israel. Following Gaddafi’s fall, Libya’s propaganda efforts have become more fragmented, reflecting the country’s ongoing political instability and internal conflicts (Vandewalle, 2012).
10. Turkey
Turkey’s relationship with Israel has fluctuated over the years, with periods of strong diplomatic ties and tensions (Yavuz, 1998). In recent years, especially under President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkish state media and government rhetoric have often included anti-Israel themes, particularly in response to Israeli actions in Gaza and Jerusalem (Cagaptay, 2017). Erdoğan’s government has positioned itself as a defender of Palestinian rights, often using strong language to criticize Israeli policies and actions. Following the Mavi Marmara incident in 2010, when Israeli forces raided a Turkish-led flotilla attempting to break the Gaza blockade, Turkish media and government officials launched a widespread propaganda campaign against Israel, framing the event as an attack on Turkey and Muslims worldwide (Inbar, 2011). This incident marked a significant turning point in Turkish-Israeli relations and was used to bolster Erdoğan’s image domestically as a defender of Muslim causes. Despite these tensions, Turkey has maintained economic ties with Israel, reflecting the complex and sometimes contradictory nature of its foreign policy (Robins, 2003).
Conclusion
The creation and dissemination of anti-Israel propaganda in the Middle East have been driven by various political, ideological, and religious motivations, reflecting the complex dynamics of the region (Khalidi, 2006). From Iran’s aggressive campaigns to Syria’s consistent messaging and Hezbollah’s influential media presence in Lebanon, these efforts have significantly shaped public perceptions and fueled the ongoing conflict with Israel. Understanding these narratives is crucial for comprehending the Middle East's historical and current geopolitical tensions and recognizing the challenges to peace and reconciliation in the region (Smith, 2017). While the intensity and focus of anti-Israel propaganda have varied across countries and over time, its impact on shaping public opinion and sustaining hostility toward Israel cannot be understated. Fostering dialogue and promoting mutual understanding will be essential to addressing the underlying issues that fuel such propaganda and working toward a more peaceful and just future for all (Jones, 2019).
References
- Al-Rasheed, M. (2002). A History of Saudi Arabia. Cambridge University Press.
- Andoni, L. (2001). Jordan: Ten years of peace with Israel. Journal of Palestine Studies, 30(3), 51-62.
- Armbrust, W. (1996). Mass Culture and Modernism in Egypt. Cambridge University Press.
- Cagaptay, S. (2017). The New Sultan: Erdogan and the Crisis of Modern Turkey. I.B. Tauris.
- Chubin, S. (2018). Iran and Israel: A Dangerous Rivalry. The Middle East Journal, 72(1), 7-29.
- Freedman, R. O. (1991). Soviet Policy Toward the Middle East Since 1970. Praeger.
- Harb, M. (2011). Hezbollah: The Changing Face of Terrorism. I.B. Tauris.
- Hinnebusch, R. (2001). Syria: Revolution from Above. Routledge.
- Inbar, E. (2011). Israel’s National Security: Issues and Challenges Since the Yom Kippur War. Routledge.
- Jones, T. (2019). The Arab-Israeli Conflict. Oxford University Press.
- Karsh, E. (2002). The Iran-Iraq War: 1980-1988. Osprey Publishing.
- Keddie, N. R. (2006). Modern Iran: Roots and Results of Revolution. Yale University Press.
- Khalidi, R. (1997). Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National Consciousness. Columbia University Press.
- Khalidi, W. (2006). The Middle East and the United States: History, Politics, and Ideologies. Westview Press.
- Levitt, M. (2006). Hamas: Politics, Charity, and Terrorism in the Service of Jihad. Yale University Press.
- Lynch, M. (2020). Saudi Arabia and the New Geopolitics of the Middle East. Foreign Affairs, 99(3), 30-39.
- Massad, J. (2001). Colonial Effects: The Making of National Identity in Jordan. Columbia University Press.
- MEMRI. (2007). Hamas TV Show 'Tomorrow's Pioneers'. Retrieved from MEMRI.
- Milton-Edwards, B. (2013). The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: A People’s War. Routledge.
- Norton, A. R. (2007). Hezbollah: A Short History. Princeton University Press.
- Prokop, M. (2003). Saudi Arabia: The Politics of Education. Routledge.
- Quandt, W. B. (1986). Camp David: Peacemaking and Politics. Brookings Institution Press.
- Ranstorp, M. (2016). Hizb’Allah in Lebanon: The Politics of the Western Hostage Crisis. Palgrave Macmillan.
- Riedel, B. (2008). The Search for Al Qaeda: Its Leadership, Ideology, and Future. Brookings Institution Press.
- Robins, P. (2003). Suits and Uniforms: Turkish Foreign Policy Since the Cold War. Hurst.
- Robins, P. (2004). A History of Jordan. Cambridge University Press.
- Saab, B. Y. (2008). Hezbollah's Weapons of Mass Media. International Journal of Press/Politics, 13(4), 463-484.
- Seale, P. (1988). Asad: The Struggle for the Middle East. University of California Press.
- Shlaim, A. (2000). The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World. W.W. Norton & Company.
- Shlaim, A. (2007). Lion of Jordan: The Life of King Hussein in War and Peace. Penguin Books.
- Smith, C. (2017). Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict: A History with Documents. Bedford/St. Martin's.
- St. John, R. B. (2008). Libya: From Colony to Revolution. Oneworld Publications.
- Takeyh, R. (2009). Guardians of the Revolution: Iran and the World in the Age of the Ayatollahs. Oxford University Press.
- Telhami, S. (1990). Power and Leadership in International Bargaining: The Path to the Camp David Accords. Columbia University Press.
- Tripp, C. (2007). A History of Iraq. Cambridge University Press.
- Vandewalle, D. (2012). A History of Modern Libya. Cambridge University Press.
- Yavuz, H. (1998). Turkish-Israeli Relations Through the Lens of the Turkish Identity Debate. Journal of Palestine Studies, 27(1), 22-37.
Sign up for Dr. Tim Orr's Blog
Dr. Tim Orr isn't just your average academic—he's a passionate advocate for interreligious dialogue, a seasoned academic, and an ordained Evangelical minister with a unique vision.
No spam. Unsubscribe anytime.