In the ongoing narrative surrounding Israel and the conflict with the Palestinians, one of the most persistent and deeply ingrained myths is that of the Arab expulsion from Palestine in 1948.
By Dr. Tim Orr
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict, particularly the events of 1948, continues to be a focal point of historical debate and political discourse. One of the most enduring narratives is the claim that the creation of the state of Israel involved the systematic and deliberate expulsion of Arabs, an event memorialized by Palestinians as the Nakba, or "catastrophe." This narrative, often framed as Israel's "original sin," suggests that the establishment of Israel was predicated on the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians. However, a closer examination of historical records, eyewitness accounts, and the geopolitical context challenges this narrative and suggests a more nuanced reality.
The portrayal of Jews as aggressors who forcibly expelled Palestinians to establish Israel has been a recurring theme in both Arab and Western discourse. Publications like The Guardian and The Independent have repeatedly asserted that the 1948 war was characterized by a systematic effort to cleanse the land of its Arab inhabitants (Phillips, 2010). This narrative has been widely accepted in international forums, academic circles, and media outlets, shaping global perceptions of the conflict.
However, historian Melanie Phillips (2010) argues that this perspective is a gross distortion of the facts. According to Phillips, the claim of ethnic cleansing is not only exaggerated but also overlooks the broader context in which the events of 1948 occurred. She emphasizes that much of the land on which Israel was established was legally purchased by Jewish individuals and organizations, primarily from absentee Arab landlords, long before the state of Israel was declared. These transactions were conducted openly and were often facilitated by Arab intermediaries who saw economic opportunities in selling land to Jews.
Several prominent Arab figures have acknowledged the willingness of Arabs to sell land to Jews, challenging the narrative of Jewish land theft. King Abdullah of Transjordan, a significant figure in the Arab world during this period, says, "The Arabs were as prodigal in selling their land as they are in useless wailing and weeping" (Phillips, 2010, p. 214). This statement underscores the fact that land transfer was often voluntary and motivated by economic considerations rather than coercion or force.
Further corroborating this perspective, historian Efraim Karsh (2010) notes that between 1920 and 1948, Jewish agencies and private individuals legally acquired large tracts of land, primarily in sparsely populated areas. Karsh's research indicates that Jews purchased land at inflated prices, often from absentee landlords living in Beirut, Damascus, and Cairo, who had little connection to the local Arab peasantry (Karsh, 2010). This reality complicates the simplistic narrative of Jewish aggression and Arab victimhood.
When Israel declared its independence in May 1948, the reaction from the surrounding Arab nations was swift and violent. Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon launched a coordinated military invasion with the explicit goal of eradicating the nascent Jewish state. This invasion was not merely a response to the establishment of Israel but a continuation of the broader Arab opposition to Jewish immigration and statehood, which had manifested in violent riots and massacres throughout the 1920s and 1930s (Morris, 2004).
The claim that Jews engaged in a systematic campaign of ethnic cleansing during this period is contradicted by evidence suggesting that many Arabs fled their homes not due to Jewish aggression but because they were urged to do so by their leaders. The Economist (1948) reported that broadcasts from the Higher Arab Executive urged Arabs to leave, implying that those who remained and accepted Jewish protection would be seen as traitors. This sentiment was echoed by the Mufti of Jerusalem, Haj Amin al-Husseini, who played a central role in inciting anti-Jewish violence and urged Arabs to vacate their homes temporarily, promising a swift return after the anticipated Arab victory (Khalidi, 1984).
Khaled al-Azm, the Prime Minister of Syria after 1948, admitted in his memoirs that the Arab leadership bore responsibility for creating the refugee problem by pressuring their people to flee. Al-Azm acknowledged that Arab leaders made a grave miscalculation, believing that the Jewish state would be easily defeated and that the fleeing population would return to reclaim their land after a quick Arab victory (al-Azm, 1972). This admission, coming from a key Arab figure, challenges the dominant narrative of Jewish culpability and highlights the complexity of the situation.
Following the 1948 war, the newly established Arab states deliberately chose not to integrate Palestinian refugees into their societies despite possessing the resources and land to do so. Instead, the refugees were kept in squalid conditions in camps in the West Bank, Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan, where they became pawns in a broader propaganda war against Israel (Morris, 2004). This strategy was not born out of compassion for the Palestinian cause. Still, it was a calculated move to delegitimize Israel on the global stage and to maintain a state of perpetual conflict.
Phillips (2010) argues that the Arab states' refusal to resettle Palestinian refugees was a deliberate effort to sustain the image of Palestinian victimhood and to perpetuate the myth of the Nakba as Israel's original sin. This narrative has proven to be a powerful tool in the Arab world's ongoing psychological war against Israel, which seeks to undermine Israel's legitimacy and to cast doubt on the Jewish people's right to self-determination in their ancestral homeland.
Another critical aspect of the 1948 narrative that is often overlooked is the history of Arab immigration to Palestine. While the Arab states accuse Israel of being a colonial project, historical records indicate that many Arabs living in Palestine during the British Mandate period were relatively recent immigrants themselves. As the Jewish population increased and the region began to experience economic growth, Arabs from neighboring countries were drawn to Palestine in search of better opportunities (Peters, 1984).
Joan Peters (1984) documents that a significant portion of the Arab population in Palestine in the early 20th century consisted of recent immigrants from Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, and other parts of the Ottoman Empire. These immigrants were attracted by the economic opportunities created by Jewish agricultural settlements, infrastructure projects, and the overall modernization of the region. This influx of Arab immigrants complicates the narrative of indigenous Arab displacement by Jewish settlers and suggests a more dynamic and fluid demographic history.
The myth of the Arab expulsion in 1948 continues to play a central role in the psychological war against Israel. Melanie Phillips (2010) notes that the Jewish people are often made to feel guilty, questioning their right to exist and defend themselves. This psychological torment is a continuation of what Jewish prophetic texts describe as the oppressive exile under Ishmael, where persecution and guilt overshadow the Jewish people's rightful claims to their land.
This psychological warfare is not only aimed at Israel's Jewish population but also seeks to influence international opinion, particularly in the West. The persistence of the Nakba narrative in Western academia, media, and political discourse serves to delegitimize Israel and to portray the Jewish state as an aggressor and oppressor. This narrative has been further reinforced by the rise of movements such as Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS), which seek to isolate Israel economically, culturally, and politically by framing it as a colonial and apartheid state (Phillips, 2010).
The narrative of the Arab expulsion in 1948 is a powerful example of how history can be manipulated to serve political ends. By revisiting the evidence and listening to the voices of Arab leaders themselves, it becomes clear that the narrative of Jewish aggression and Arab victimhood is not only misleading but entirely false. The real story is of land legally purchased, a war of survival, and a propaganda campaign that has endured for decades.
As historians and scholars continue to explore this complex period, it is essential to move beyond simplistic narratives and to engage with the historical record in all its complexity. Only by doing so can we begin to dispel the myths and lies that have shaped the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and to build a more accurate and nuanced understanding of the events of 1948.
al-Azm, K. (1972). Memoirs of Khaled al-Azm. Nofal Press.
Karsh, E. (2010). Palestine betrayed. Yale University Press.
Khalidi, W. (1984). Before their diaspora: A photographic history of the Palestinians, 1876-1948. Institute for Palestine Studies.
Morris, B. (2004). The birth of the Palestinian refugee problem revisited. Cambridge University Press.
Peters, J. (1984). From time immemorial: The origins of the Arab-Jewish conflict over Palestine. Harper & Row.
Phillips, M. (2010). The world turned upside down: The global battle over God, truth, and power. Encounter Books.
The Economist. (1948). Broadcasts from the Higher Arab Executive urging Arabs to flee. The Economist.
Palestinian Authority. (2006). Palestinian Authority's official newspaper.
The ideas in this article are mine, but AI assisted in writing this article.