A Polemical Response to Imam Omar Suleiman and Rev. Munther Isaac: Unmasking a False Narrative with Truth and Theological Integrity

By Dr. Tim Orr

Munther Isaac reveals the convergence of Islamic grievance politics and progressive Palestinian liberation theology. Their conversation, cloaked in the language of justice, love, and historical memory, perpetuates a dangerous and deceptive narrative. The arguments must not only be challenged but thoroughly dismantled. Drawing upon the theological precision of Mark Durie and the moral clarity of Douglas Murray, I will expose the contradictions, historical revisionism, and theological incoherence that lie beneath the surface.

Theological Misappropriation

Rev Isaac used Jesus as a political tool of anti-zionism by repeatedly invoking the birth of Jesus in Bethlehem to lend moral weight to the Palestinian cause. Yet this appeal is both theologically incoherent and politically opportunistic. As Mark Durie points out in Which God?, this is a classic tactic of Islamic supersessionism—the attempt to strip Jewish figures like Jesus of their historical Jewishness and recast them as proto-Muslims or, in this case, as indigenous Palestinians (Durie, 2017). While Christian theology has long reflected on the incarnation's social implications, especially in liberationist traditions, Isaac’s invocation of Jesus as a victim of empire—implicitly linking Rome with modern Israel—goes beyond theological reflection into ideological appropriation.

It empties Jesus’ mission of its redemptive purpose and replaces it with revolutionary politics that flatten the uniqueness of his salvific role. This is not the Jesus of the Gospels. This is the Jesus of liberation theology repackaged for Western progressive audiences. As Durie argues, when Christ is severed from the cross and used as a symbol of anti-colonial resistance, we end up with a “Christless Christianity”—a religion that affirms grievance but denies atonement. In contrast, biblical theology affirms that Jesus came first to the lost sheep of Israel (Matt. 15:24), and his identity is inseparable from God’s covenant with the Jewish people. To weaponize his birthplace against modern Jews is not just manipulative—it’s a theological betrayal.

The Denial of the Religious Roots of Islamic Antisemitism

Both speakers claim the Israel-Palestinian conflict is not religious, but political—about land, colonization, and power. Yet this evades the undeniable theological animus toward Jews embedded in Islamic tradition. As Durie carefully documents in Liberty to the Captives, Islamic theology casts Jews as cursed, deceitful, and enemies of the prophets. Qur’an 5:60 describes Jews as those “whom Allah has cursed... whom He turned into apes and pigs.” The Hadith literature, especially Sahih Muslim 2922, even envisions an eschatological war in which Muslims will kill Jews hiding behind rocks and trees. These aren’t obscure or fringe texts. They are normative, frequently invoked by Islamist groups like Hamas. The Hamas Charter (1988) explicitly quotes this hadith.

To claim the conflict is merely about occupation while refusing to confront this theological engine is to suppress the truth. At the same time, it is important to acknowledge that some contemporary Muslim scholars interpret these texts metaphorically or historically, emphasizing that such passages should not be used to justify modern antisemitism. However, these interpretations are often overshadowed by radical groups who exploit the traditional readings to incite violence and hatred. In The War on the West, Douglas Murray calls this refusal a “moral inversion.” The ideology that seeks the destruction of Jews is given a platform under the banner of social justice, while the Jewish state’s right to defend itself is maligned as genocide. The result is a staggering double standard that renders all Jewish self-defense immoral and all Islamic aggression excusable.

Palestinian Christian Identity as a Political Weapon

Rev. Isaac laments that Western Christians don’t recognize the existence of Palestinian Christians. But the issue is not recognition—it’s complicity. Palestinian Christian leaders like Isaac have repeatedly refused to call out the Islamist oppression in their ranks. Instead, they play into the narrative that Israel alone is responsible for all suffering. Christians living under Islamic rule for 1,400 years have learned to adopt a strategy of dhimmitude—a survival mechanism that requires public loyalty to Islam, silence on Muslim abuses, and denunciation of the West. The cost of honesty is often persecution, exile, or worse. By aligning with Islamist narratives, leaders like Isaac maintain their fragile status within their communities.

Meanwhile, they export a false narrative to the West that deliberately omits Hamas' use of churches and hospitals as military shields—a fact documented by multiple international news outlets and confirmed by the IDF in incidents such as the use of the Greek Orthodox Church compound in Gaza City during the 2023 conflict, a war crime under international law. Douglas Murray asks a sobering question: Why do people only become interested in Christian suffering when it can be used to indict Israel, buremain silent when Muslims commit it? This reveals that the suffering of Christians is not the concern; scapegoating Israel is.

The Abuse of the Word ‘Genocide’ and the Collapse of Moral Meaning

The word “genocide” is used over a dozen times in this interview, always about Israel’s military campaign in Gaza. This is a gross abuse of language and an affront to real genocides. Genocide has a definition: the intentional destruction of a people. According to the 1948 United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, genocide includes acts committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group. Israel, by contrast, repeatedly issues warnings to civilians, provides humanitarian aid, and targets military assets embedded in civilian zones by Hamas.

By contrast, Hamas’ actions on October 7, 2023—deliberate, systematic murder, rape, and kidnapping of civilians—fit the textbook definition of genocide as defined by international law. Yet Suleiman and Isaac never mention Hamas by name. Not once. They speak of snipers, tanks, and bombings, but never of tunnels under hospitals, or weapons caches in mosques, or militants hiding behind children. This moral asymmetry, Murray argues, reveals an ideological sickness: when Jews defend themselves, it is genocide; when Jews are massacred, it is silence. Such rhetoric erodes moral clarity and paves the way for further violence.

The Myth of Muslim-Christian Coexistence in Palestine.

Isaac insists that Palestinian Christians and Muslims have lived peacefully for 1,400 years. This is historical fiction. The fact is that Christian life under Islam has never been based on equality—it is based on submission (dhimma). Christians have historically paid the jizya tax, been forbidden from evangelizing, had churches destroyed or limited, and faced constant humiliation. Even today, Christians in Gaza live in fear of Hamas. Christmas celebrations are muted, conversion to Christianity is met with violence, and few dare to speak out. One need only consult mainstream Islamic jurisprudence to see why: apostasy from Islam, such as a Muslim converting to Christianity, is traditionally punishable by death.

For example, the Fatwa No. 219, issued by the Permanent Committee for Scholarly Research and Ifta in Saudi Arabia, clearly states: “The apostate must be called to repent. If he does not, he is to be killed for his disbelief” (Fatwa No. 219, 2002). This is not fringe theology; it is a codified legal view based on hadiths like Sahih al-Bukhari 6922: “Whoever changes his religion, kill him.” But Isaac, bound by the unwritten rules of dhimmitude, maintains the fiction of harmony. To admit persecution would disrupt the narrative—and perhaps jeopardize his platform. Douglas Murray warns that such selective truth-telling ultimately discredits Christian witness, turning pastors into political agents rather than gospel ministers. The price is high: truth is sacrificed at the altar of ideology.

The Real Crisis: The West’s Loss of Moral and Theological Anchors

Perhaps the greatest irony of this entire conversation is that it takes place under the banner of “defending the oppressed,” even as it whitewashes totalitarianism and slanders the only democracy in the region. Israel, the state that protects gay rights, women's rights, and freedom of worship for Muslims and Christians alike, is condemned as an apartheid regime.

At the same time, Hamas, whose charter is explicitly genocidal in its call for the elimination of Jews, is never mentioned. Douglas Murray laments that this is the “strange death of Europe” writ large—the death of moral discernment, historical knowledge, and theological truth (Murray, 2017). Western Christians, plagued by guilt and disoriented by postmodern relativism, are vulnerable to narratives that sound compassionate but are, in fact, morally bankrupt. I’ll admit, I’ve wrestled with this myself. There was a time when I hesitated to speak clearly, afraid of being misunderstood or seen as unloving. I’ve stood in interfaith settings where silence felt safer than truth-telling, where the pressure to affirm a distorted peace narrative weighed heavily. But silence is not neutral—it is consent to deception.

Mark Durie, in contrast, calls Christians back to theological clarity. We cannot love our Muslim neighbors by affirming falsehoods. We cannot protect Palestinian Christians by denying the spiritual warfare at play. We cannot uphold the dignity of all people while simultaneously demonizing Jews and sanitizing jihad—a term that in Islamic theology has multiple meanings, including personal spiritual struggle, but which in this context refers to armed struggle or warfare against perceived enemies of Islam, as invoked by Islamist groups like Hamas (Durie, 2010). And here’s the hard truth I’ve realized: I cannot claim to follow the One who is the Truth while hiding from hard truths for social acceptance. The gospel calls us to love, and real love speaks honestly, even when it costs us.

Conclusion: The Gospel Demands a Different Path

The Christian faith is not a tool of political grievance or ethno-nationalist resentment. It is the message of a crucified and risen Savior who died for the sins of Jews, Muslims, and Gentiles alike. The gospel calls us to speak truth, even when it is unpopular. It compels us to defend the innocent, especially when the world turns against them. It also requires us to stand with Israel, not out of nationalism but because the covenant promises of God still matter and because truth must be spoken in a sea of lies.

Rev. Munther Isaac and Imam Omar Suleiman present themselves as voices of peace. Yet, their messaging often blends Christian imagery with Islamic grievance in a way that selectively vilifies Israel while ignoring or minimizing the theological and political violence promoted by groups like Hamas. More troubling is their tacit perpetuation of antisemitic tropes—portraying Jews as colonial oppressors, recasting biblical narratives to exclude Jewish covenantal identity, and refusing to acknowledge the religious hatred at the core of Hamas’ ideology. For example, Rev. Isaac’s repeated references to "empire" and his characterization of Israel as a colonial power evoke classic antisemitic imagery of Jewish control and foreign domination. Similarly, Suleiman’s statements comparing modern Zionism to white supremacy (as made in previous public addresses) reinforce age-old conspiracy theories that conflate Jewish national identity with global oppression. These are not merely critiques of policy—they tap into a historical well of antisemitic ideology dressed in contemporary moral language.

This is not simply a theological misstep; it is a moral failure. By omitting Hamas' genocidal aims and by manipulating Christian symbols to indict Jews, they participate in an age-old pattern of theological antisemitism under a modern veneer of social justice. This pattern echoes historic falsehoods such as the medieval blood libel, which accused Jews of killing Christian children, or the supersessionist claim that the Church has replaced Israel in God’s covenant. These dangerous myths, now dressed in the language of human rights, continue to endanger Jewish lives by fueling contemporary hostility under the guise of theological discourse. This narrative distorts the gospel, obscures the truth, and risks misleading Western audiences under the guise of compassion. The Church must respond—not with sentiment, but with clarity, courage, and the gospel.

References

• Durie, M. (2010). The Third Choice: Islam, Dhimmitude and Freedom. Deror Books.
• Durie, M. (2017). Which God? Jesus, Holy Spirit, God in Christianity & Islam. Deror Books.
• Durie, M. (2020). Liberty to the Captives: Freedom from Islam and Dhimmitude through the Cross. Deror Books.
• Murray, D. (2017). The Strange Death of Europe: Immigration, Identity, Islam. Bloomsbury.
• Murray, D. (2022). The War on the West. Harper.
• Hamas Charter (1988). The Covenant of the Islamic Resistance Movement.

Who is Dr. Tim Orr?

Tim serves full-time with Crescent Project as the assistant director of the internship program and area coordinator, where he is also deeply involved in outreach across the UK. A scholar of Islam, Evangelical minister, conference speaker, and interfaith consultant, Tim brings over 30 years of experience in cross-cultural ministry. He holds six academic degrees, including a Doctor of Ministry from Liberty University and a Master’s in Islamic Studies from the Islamic College in London.

In addition to his ministry work, Tim is a research associate with the Congregations and Polarization Project at the Center for the Study of Religion and American Culture at Indiana University Indianapolis. His research interests include Islamic antisemitism, American Evangelicalism, and Islamic feminism. He has spoken at leading universities and mosques throughout the UK—including Oxford University, Imperial College London, and the University of Tehran—and has published widely in peer-reviewed Islamic academic journals. Tim is also the author of four books.